This was the year the EU’s green ambitions nearly fell apart.
Throughout 2023, Europe finally started to polish off critical components of its much-vaunted Green Deal. But the efforts ran into a fierce conservative backlash across the Continent that has now left much in doubt.
After years of legislative frenzy, the European Commission hit a wall with proposals to slash pesticide use and restore natural ecosystems. The political fight showed Green Deal support is not a given — a chilling message ahead of Europe-wide elections in June.
But the EU did successfully push ahead on other initiatives to green the bloc’s economy, from fighting pollution and policing companies’ misleading climate-friendly claims to taking steps to bring the critical raw material supply line back to Europe.
Here’s our wrap-up of the biggest policy developments in the sustainability world this year.
A new push to tackle PFAS pollution
This was the year that Europe realized toxic “PFAS” are literally everywhere.
Per- and poly-fluoroalkyl substances, named “forever chemicals” as they don’t naturally break down in the environment, have been linked to a host of health conditions, including cancer, liver damage and decreased fertility — and are used in everything from contact lenses to sportswear to frying pans.
What happened: Public consciousness has been slowly waking up to the gravity of the pollution caused by forever chemicals. But 2023 bumped that topic way up the policy agenda. That’s partly down to a wide-ranging proposal from five European countries to phase out thousands of PFAS, as well as a major journalistic investigation mapping out the extent of PFAS pollution across Europe. Several scandals on a local level broke out across the bloc, too — from contaminated drinking water in Belgium to health officials in south-western France warning colleagues not to drink the tap water. Just this month, residents of two Swedish towns won a court case entitling them to compensation over PFAS-related health concerns.
Who are the main protagonists: Most recently in Belgium, all eyes have been on Wallonia’s Environment Minister Céline Tellier, who last month denied she was aware of any health hazard resulting from PFAS-contaminated tap water. Over in the Brussels bubble, the European Chemicals Agency is in the spotlight as it drafts its expert opinion on countries’ proposals to ban PFAS at the EU level. Hundreds of industry lobby groups have also been vocal in their disapproval of the proposed ban.
What’s next: The PFAS proposal is likely to take a long time to make its way through the legislative machine, but the next big milestone will be new opinions from ECHA’s two expert committees (POLITICO already published a sneak peek at one controversial draft). Also look out for more PFAS-related lawsuits on the horizon — chemicals NGO ChemSec reckons Sweden’s recent court case could pave the way for more legal action.
Our must-read: Pharma, agri companies face threat of EU ban on some “forever chemicals”
Farmers’ uprising against the Green Deal
The EU’s Green Deal wasn’t so popular in 2023.
Conservative lawmakers in the European Parliament mounted a serious challenge to key elements of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s flagship green agenda — and although they didn’t succeed in scrapping them entirely, they obtained important concessions that effectively water down measures aimed at reducing pesticide use, slashing emissions from big farms and restoring natural ecosystems.
What happened: In July, the center-right European People’s Party and its allies pushed to kill new rules aimed at restoring nature across the bloc. That effort failed, but the conservative alliance successfully neutered key clauses in later negotiations. In November, conservative MEPs opposed the main goal of halving pesticide use and risk by 2030 and massively altered the text, forcing the Greens and the Socialists & Democrats to vote against it. A few days later, they also successfully opposed setting stricter rules to reduce greenhouse gasses from large animal farms.
Who are the main protagonists: Two main characters faced off in these debates (and fed an ever-growing collection of EU memes): EPP leader Manfred Weber and former Green Deal Chief Frans Timmermans. Also playing a crucial role: farmers and the agriculture sector, whose concerns and demands the EPP defended in the controversial debate.
What’s next: The new rules on nature restoration and industrial emissions are expected to enter into force in the coming months; the pesticide reduction legislation is still in limbo and unlikely to be finalized before the EU election in June. That delays difficult decisions the EU will have to take — sooner or later — to reduce emissions from the agriculture sector, which represents about 10 percent of the bloc’s total emissions. How to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 without angering farmers will be one of the toughest questions for the next Commission to answer.
Our must-read: How fake news and death threats were used to kill Brussels’ flagship pesticides reduction law
The big greenwashing crackdown
This was the year that put companies on watch for unfounded green claims.
As the world looks to cut emissions and pour investments into projects that will help it get there, companies have been keen to portray themselves as greener than they really are. That’s caused a proliferation of “sustainable” and “climate neutral” claims that don’t pass the smell test. Those are coming under increasing scrutiny, both from regulators and activists.
What happened: The EU is working on several laws aimed at policing companies’ environmental claims and ensuring they can only label themselves as carbon neutral or sustainable when they provide solid scientific proof to back that up. In September, European lawmakers agreed on new rules to prevent businesses from making misleading green claims. MEPs and member countries are also still negotiating standards for certifying carbon removals and are finalizing their positions on new rules to push companies to substantiate their environmental claims.
Who are the main protagonists: National market watchdogs have been particularly active in cracking down on greenwashing this year. The U.K. Competition and Markets Authority launched a large probe into the issue and recently zeroed in on consumer products giant Unilever, while its Advertising Standards Authority banned airline ads. The Swiss ads watchdog labeled Qatar’s claim that the 2022 FIFA World Cup was “carbon neutral” as greenwashing. Meanwhile, the European Central Bank warned that banks promoting their green credentials need to start backing up their talk with action, and the EU’s financial watchdogs came up with a common definition for what counts as “greenwashing.”
What’s next: MEPs are expected to finalize the new rules on a carbon removal certification scheme and the green claims directive before the EU election in June. Environmental NGOs also have several greenwashing cases pending in front of the courts, including one at the EU’s top court in Luxembourg regarding the Commission’s decision to label gas and nuclear energy as “green” under the bloc’s list of sustainable investments; as well as a case against Coca-Cola, Nestlé and Danone over recyclability claims.
Our must read(s): Green groups splash cold water on Brussels’ anti-greenwashing push
The global fight against plastic pollution
This was the year that international governments got serious about tackling plastic pollution — or tried to, at least.
U.N. plastic treaty negotiations got underway in earnest in 2023, with a second round of talks over a global plastics treaty kicking off in the summer, and a third closing in November. But it’s been far from smooth sailing.
What happened: Both the second and third round of talks this year were hugely divisive, held back by oil-rich countries that disagree with any language to limit plastics production. November’s session was a flop, with negotiators failing to agree on a plan to come up with a first draft of the treaty and campaigners accusing skeptical countries of purposely blocking progress. Carroll Muffett, president of the Center for International Environmental Law, said at the time: “Absent a major course correction, Canada will host a polite but massive failure when talks resume in Ottawa next year.”
Who are the main protagonists: The “High Ambition Coalition,” which includes the EU, wants “binding provisions” in the treaty to “restrain and reduce the consumption and production of primary plastic polymers to sustainable levels.” Pushing in the other direction is the newly formed “Global Coalition for Plastics Sustainability,” which includes Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Cuba, China and Bahrain. They’re arguing that “plastic polymers are not pollutants.” Neither camp seems ready to budge any time soon.
What’s next: Negotiations are set to conclude by the end of next year, with the next round of talks slated for April in Ottawa, Canada, and what’s meant to be a final session in the fall in South Korea.
Our must-read: Global plastic treaty talks limp on despite blockade by oil-rich countries
Europe’s reshoring effort — and its green costs
This was the year the bloc woke up to the strategic importance of critical raw materials.
One of the hottest topics on EU leaders’ lips this year was how to boost the bloc’s so-called strategic autonomy — and in particular its green industrial base. That led to rows over which technologies and sectors should get priority funding, and how to cut red tape for major green infrastructure projects like mines — without giving companies carte blanche to wreak havoc on the environment.
What happened: In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine — and the accompanying hike in energy prices and inflation — the EU rolled out a glut of measures to bolster its struggling industries, while also pushing forward the green transition. In March, the Commission put forward the Critical Raw Materials Act, which sets goals for the EU to diversify its supply of rare metals and minerals away from China, increase domestic production and boost recycling capacities inside the bloc. That same month, the EU executive also presented the Net Zero Industry Act, which outlines a plan to increase the bloc’s manufacturing capacity of green technologies like solar cells and wind turbines.
Who are the main protagonists: Thierry Breton, the EU’s internal market commissioner, has been the main figure in Brussels championing the bloc’s push to improve its strategic autonomy. Also a key player: U.S. President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act — a green spending bill that could end up dishing out $700 billion over 10 years. The cash splurge prompted the EU to scramble to mount a response.
What’s next: The EU clinched a deal on its critical raw materials plan in November, with the new rules expected to enter into force in the coming weeks. European lawmakers are also expected to finalize the Net Zero Industry Act before the EU election in June. That will give national authorities the tools to speed up permitting procedures for opening new mines and green tech factories. While that may be good news for the bloc’s climate goals, it’s expected to create new challenges as the bloc grapples with the social and environmental cost of reshoring production — including opposition from local communities and legal challenges from green activists.
Our must-read: Sweden’s reindeer herders are the first casualties of the EU’s green transition
Antonia Zimmermann contributed to this article.